Right to Reject Vaccines Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Right to Reject Vaccines - Essay Example The interaction may lead to the spread of any disease that might be existent in those children who are not vaccinated. The risk of infections is made greater without vaccination. Another reason why all pupils should be vaccinated is that, most of the vaccines are given free by the government and others have their prices levied too. Therefore, there should be no reason whatsoever for any school going pupil, not to be vaccinated. Finally, there have been reports that the majority of parents fail to follow the required schedule in giving their children the required vaccine. Therefore making it mandatory for school going children to be vaccinated before being admitted might make the parents follow up the whole schedule of vaccination. Through the action of schools, the spread of diseases in public places will be minimized, and most of the children will be vaccinated and the risk of being infected reduced too. The result will be a reduction in infant mortality by a significant

Wk6 case brief con law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Wk6 case brief con law - Essay Example This was the police from Kentucky Lexington-Fayette Urban County. Upon arrival at the door, their suspicion were confirmed to be true when they smelt marijuana. They also announced their presence at the door while notifying the occupant of their intent to get into the house. According to the fourth amendment, a search must be reasonable to allow exploration without a warrant if a probable cause remains established with particularity. After hearing a sound from inside the house, which suggested destruction of evidence, the police struck the door as loud as possible to inform the occupants of their entry. It is also a fact that, upon entry, the police found illegal Paraphernalia. They also found the defendant, King enjoying his marijuana in a sofa set. In addition, they also found cocaine in plenty in the house. This led to the arrest of defendant King giving reference to the United States laws which prohibit possession of such drugs. However, king filed a case to suppress all the evid ence due to the non-formal entry of the police. The main issue of controversy in the court proceedings is the means of evidence acquisition. This is after the defendant king filed a hearing to suppress the evidence. This is because the police entered the premises without a search warrant. Consequently, the nature of announcing their presence in the premises although reasonable, violated the fourth amendment. In addition, the seizure and search caused exigency of circumstance. This prompted reaction from the defendant hence producing the sound heard by the police. Another issue, which brings controversy between the defendant and respondent, is the fact that the police did through investigation. In as much as they had sufficient information to acquire a warrant of arrest, they went ahead to search the house. In the fourth amendment, the means of arresting and conducting searches play an imperative role in shaping a courts verdict. The Fayette County

Cognitive Design Essay Example for Free

Cognitive Design Essay A Thousand Splendid Suns by Khalid Hosseini is seen through the eyes of two young female protagonists, who have a strong and well-developed character. In the novel, the author shows their hardship, their lives in a hopeless society, Afghanistan, and how throughout their life they face cruelty and vulnerability. The author portrays the experiences of the two Afghan women, Mariam and Laila, who live in a society where women are mistreated. Mariam’s character is described as a quiet and thoughtful girl who questions the society and dreams of a luxurious life. She experiences physical and mental abuse from almost every person in her life and is brought up in an isolated environment by a bitter mother who puts her down. For instance, in the beginning of the novel Nana, Mariam’s mother, says: â€Å"You are a clumsy little harami† (Hosseini, 4). This very word â€Å"harami† helps the reader to analyze the struggles of an illegitimate child. Nana also prepares Mariam to expect nothing from men: â€Å"Like a compass needle that always point north, a man’s accusing finger always finds a woman. Always . Mariam† (Hosseini, 7). This is also used to foreshadow Mariam’s husband, Rasheed, a cruel, abusive and hot tempered man, who physically and verbally abuses Mariam after marriage. Although Laila was also brought up in the same society as Mariam, her character is stronger as compared to Mariam’s. She has a strong desire to use her intelligence and education to improve the society and as her father, tells her: â€Å"Marriage can wait, education cannot You can be anything you want Because a society has no change of success if its women are uneducated No chance† (Hosseini, 114). The characters personality evolves over time, and this helps to analyze the tragic themes of the novel which are oppression, hope, and internal strength of women. The ability for any individual to imagine to endure the pain and sacrifices that Mariam and Laila endured are overwhelming. Yet the authors’ description of the characters makes it easy to analyze them to a great depth.

Electoral Reform In Britain

Electoral Reform In Britain Electoral reform in britain was initiated by the reform act of 1867 and consequently first past the post was chosen as the best solution. This essay is trying to establish whether this voting system is still fit-for-purpose and whether there is a chance that it may be changed to a more proportional electoral system. It defines purposes and foundations of the existing voting system and tries to deduce how it works in reality. To do so it assess levels of third party support, their seats in the parliament and the general bias of the electoral system. Based on these explanations it focuses on the reasons for and against change, especially from the point of view of the conservatives and labour, and concludes that although reform is possible it is very unlikely to happen in the short-term. Is the UKs First Past the Post electoral system still fit-for-purpose and is there much chance it will be changed, if not in the short-term, in the medium- to long-term? First Past the Post (FPTP) or simple plurality, as this alternative name suggests, is one of the simplest and earliest mechanisms for voting and is widely adopted around the world including the largest democracies, India and the USA (Sberg Shugart, 2008, p. 7). In the UK, it came about from amalgamation of different mixed voting systems in 1866 and was adopted for all constituencies in the Reform Act of 1884 (Ahmed, 2010, pp. 1069-1074). This essay examines whether the First Past the Post (FPTP) electoral system is suitable for Britains current political environment and whether there is a chance of reform in the future. In particular, it focuses on successes and failures of FPTP and contrasts it with the functions and foundations of elections. It then considers the debate in Britain about electoral reform, a debate that looks set to be put to the political archives once again after the Alternative Vote (AV) referendum in 2011. Finally, it argues that although FPTP has particular shortcomings in handling third party votes and is biased against the Conservatives; in the presence of political will, electoral reform is only likely to take place in the long-term. This author tries to define fit-for-purpose from the foundations of FPTP rather than based on democratic ideals such as fairness and proportionality. As far as this essay is concerned, the purpose of an electoral system is to elect Members of Parliament (MPs) and in turn, the government and not proportional representation, as the latter is one of many functions that any electoral system may perform. To assess whether FPTP electoral system is fit-for-purpose, effects of it on the membership of the House of Commons should first be examined. The desirability of these effects or absence of some desired outcomes of a preferred electoral system would therefore define the need for reform. Firstly, defining the function of General elections would help to decide whether reform is indeed necessary. The arguments could broadly be divided into two opposing ideas: one that seeks to make the parliament a fully representative body of public opinion and the other that puts the emphasis on the ability of the electorate to determine the next government. The former prefers to leave government formation in the hands of the negotiating parties after the elections and the latter is willing to sacrifice proportionality to provide the electorate with this choice. This latter argument is one that has promoted FPTP and a system of single-party government, giving the choice between the governing party and the opposition to the electorate by using an electoral system that more or less guarantees an overall majority to whichever party comes first in votes (Curtice, 2010, pp. 624-626). This, in other words, facilitates a system where two largest parties alternate between government and oppo sition, the system that has mostly governed Britain in the post-war era. There seems to be a desire to keep with this latter function, both historically and at present, whilst attempting to add a degree of proportionality (Ahmed, 2010, pp. 1072-1074; Jenkins Commission, 1998, 9). Whether FPTP is fit for purpose or otherwise depends solely on what is expected from it, and how far these expectations are met. Curtice (2010, p. 625) identifies four crucial foundations to the argument expanded in the previous paragraph based on Duvergers Law and cube law. The former states that FPTP favours a two-party system, making life difficult for third parties ; the latter tries to formulate how FPTP can discriminate against the second party by disproportionate awarding of seats to the party that has won the elections even if by a very narrow margin (Cox, 1997, pp. 13-15, 72-74). Curtice (2010, p. 625; 1986, pp. 210-211) argues that a simple majority electoral system hinders support for third parties by discouraging voters and awarding those parties with smaller proportions of seats; allocates more seats to the winning party to facilitate a majority government; and at the same time awards this majority without bias to the two largest parties in different elections. These are features of an ideal electoral system in Britain conducted under the rules of FPTP. The question is whether influence of other parameters have changed the outcome of the elections to circumvent results predicted by Duvergers Law and cube law (Curtice, 2010, pp. 624-626; Curtice Steed, 1986, pp. 209-213; Jenkins Commission, 1998, 3.19-3.32). Let us first consider the effects of FPTP on third party votes and allocation of seats. Curtice (2010, pp. 626-629) utilises data compiled by Rallings and Thrasher (2007) and shows that although until 1974 share of third party votes in General elections was compatible with predictions of Duvergers Law, since then it has gone up from an average of less than 10% in previous years to an all-time high 34.9% of the vote . Moreover, the number of seats won by third parties in general elections has also increased from less than a dozen before 1974 to almost 90 in 2010 (BBC News, 2010; Rallings et al., 2007). It is fair to consider that this outcome is still compatible with Duvergers Law in that their share of seats are far less than their share of votes. However, this discrimination against third parties depends on geographical concentration of their voters (Curtice, 2010, p. 629; Jenkins Commission, 1998, 3.30). A similar share of votes in 1983 only awarded them 27 seats. This change is l ikely to make a hung parliament more possible. Secondly, FPTP should award more seats to the winning party than its lead in the polls. If cube law is to operate, a 1% swing to the winning party should result in as much as 3% of seats changing hands between the winning and second parties (Duverger, 1963, p. 322). This exaggerated effect that gives an easy majority in the House of Commons to the party in government is shown to be dependent on the number of marginal seats (Curtice, 2010, pp. 629-631; Curtice Steed, 1986, pp. 209-213). Ever since 1974 general election, the number of marginal seats that have changed hands between Labour and the Conservatives has come down from over 27% to 15% at the last general election, due to a trend towards geographical concentration of the Conservative and Labour support (Curtice Steed, 1986, pp. 209-228). Another factor that skews this further is to do with the last foundation described above; that the cube law operates without bias towards any parties. Curtice (2010, pp. 633-635) demonstrates that FPTP has been treating Labour more favourably when awarding exaggerated majorities in the recent years. This bias towards Labour adds to an already reduced number of marginal seats to fail FPTP in its main goal of providing two main alternatives to the electorate. Whether there is need for reforming the electoral system for the General elections in the UK, this reform may well happen or its chances become limited based on political calculations of the party/parties in power. Under the then Labour government, The Independent Commission on the Voting System (Jenkins Commission) was setup in 1997 with a remit to find an alternative electoral system to conform to a list of requirements that are broadly based on an extension of FPTP. These requirements were (i) broad proportionality; (ii) the need for stable government; (iii) an extension of voter choice; and (iv) the maintenance of a link between MPs and geographical constituencies (Jenkins Commission, 1998, 1.1). Comparing these requirements to the foundations of FPTP discussed above and as the requirements were not absolute one could argue that the need for a majority government would demand an exaggerated number of seats allocated to the winning party, something FPTP is already trying to ach ieve, and still be considered broadly proportional (Jenkins Commission, 1998, 9.18). The Jenkins Commission therefore proposed Alternative Vote (AV), another plurality voting system, plus a number of top-up seats to make it more proportional. Since AV is the best option put forward and has already been rejected by the electorate, it is hard to imagine that an electoral reform based on AV could happen anytime in the short- or medium-term. The reasons that hinder the change to the electoral system are not as numerous as they used to be over most of the twentieth century. FPTP does not provide the full extent of the exaggerative qualities it once did. Although, all major parties have mentioned reform of one kind or another in their latest manifestos (2010 Party Manifestos, 2010), the level of acceptance for reform amongst political parties also depends on whether they are in government or in opposition. Political parties in opposition tend to favour electoral reform, but when a party comes to power under FPTP, they are less likely to adopt changes (Sberg Shugart, 2008, p. 47). They appreciate the advantages, namely a strong mandate and one-party majority government that are less likely to exist if a more proportionally representative electoral system were to be adopted (Dunt Stevenson, 2013). In addition to this, there are also conflicting arguments as to who is the beneficiary of reform. There is no doubt that all thi rd parties will gain more seats under any electoral system that is more proportionally representative than FPTP. The question is which large party is going to lose. The majority of literature claims that if nothing changes apart from the voting system, e.g. number of MPs, constituency boundaries, etc., the Conservatives are going to lose the most seats (Blau, 2008, pp. 864-866; Payne Quilty-Harper, 2011). This can partly be eliminated by redrawing boundaries and reducing the number of MPs both proposed by the coalition government but they are unlikely to have an enormous effect in addressing the discrimination towards the Conservatives (Curtice, 2010, p. 637). Besides, this same dependence of an exaggerated majority in parliament to such a small swing in votes brings government public policy to the ideological centre and encourages legislation by consensus based on logical explanations by Chandler and Downs (cited in Curtice Steed, 1986, p. 211). This affects public satisfaction with the government in a positive way, since every party favours staying in power as long as possible. Because of this, public support for reform of the voting system is unlikely to be substantial. However, apart from pressure groups and minority parties who mainly favour proportional representation there are several reasons why larger governing parties mainly the Conservatives and Labour may favour electoral system reform. The most important and often forgotten reason being their attempt to defend their share of vote by adopting a more proportional system to prevent losing out to growing support of the third parties (Dunleavy Margetts, 2005, pp. 854-855). Moreover, Blau (2008, pp. 61-63) considers three other reasons for a change from within: proposing a popular reform and gaining votes as a result; as a concession to a coalition partner ; and the prospect of more votes and seats owing to an electoral reform . Blau (2008, p. 63) emphasises that the first reason is the most likely way for a reform process to start, but it also needs to be self-promoting to the party to gain traction. This could be one of the reasons why electoral reform did not happen in the current govern ment after the 2010 General elections, as Dunleavy and Margetts (2005, pp. 864-866) show the Conservatives are the least likely to gain any seats from a move to a more proportional electoral system. In considering reasons for this change, there are many other arguments that could not be expanded in this short essay. Such arguments include among many, under-representation of women and ethnic minorities due to the great emphasis on party affiliation; a great number of MPs being elected by plurality rather than majority of votes, prevalence of safe-seats limiting the choice for some voters, and as a result producing lower turnouts, and also no choice in electing a government and local representatives separately (Curtice, 2010; Dunleavy Margetts, 2005; Jenkins Commission, 1998, 3,4b). In addition, one should also consider the historic context where electoral system reform has been considered. As already mentioned in the beginning of this essay, many debates were held in the parliament in the latter half of the nineteenth century, for and against adoption of proportional representation in which FPTP has always been the outcome (Ahmed, 2010, pp. 1069-1074). This continuation of reform initiatives shows that there is a prospect of change only if it comes in the right time. This author believes that such reform is highly unlikely to take place in the short-term due to the recent AV referendum. It is also unlikely in the medium-term, as no other alternatives to AV have been proposed and large parties have little incentive to implement changes. However, this situation can only improve in the long-term. Change to proportional representation has been discussed for almost 150 years and is most likely to happen when favourable conditions exist. In conclusion, change seems possible if not likely, considering that we extrapolate current voting trends into the future (Blau, 2008, pp. 85-87). Most literature discussed above is of the belief that change will happen if third parties continue winning more seats and pose a threat to the duopoly (Ahmed, 2010; Curtice, 2010, 2012; Dunleavy, 2013; Dunleavy Margetts, 2004). It may result in a swap between the Liberal Democrats and one of the two largest parties, as happened in first half of the twentieth century. On the other hand, the prospect of a hung parliament in itself is not enough to make this change take place. Interests of large parties and MPs should also be aligned with it.

Wedding Speech Delivered by the Bride :: Wedding Toasts Roasts Speeches

Wedding Speech Delivered by the Bride Well, I guess this is slightly unusual – a brides speech - but those of you who know me will also know that the chance of me being able to keep me mouth shut while everyone else does a speech was pretty slim. So I’m sorry for adding another speech to the list but, if it’s any consolation, I’ll try to keep it short. Also, there are a few things that I want to say that no-one else will so please bear with me. If this sounds like a bad Oscar acceptance speech, I do apologise! I’d like to thank Rachael for being my bridesmaid today. She’s been helpful, supportive and all the things a bride could ask for. The only problem is, she looks completely stunning in her dress so I’ve had to sit her as far away from me as possible! Rachael, I’ve got a little something for you. Now, you know someone is a true friend when they re-arrange their holiday so that they can be at your wedding. Sarah (and Andy too of course!) did just that and I will be eternally grateful. Over the past months, she’s been there with a cup of tea and a listening ear whenever I’ve needed her, she’s been with me to dress fittings and on numerous shopping expeditions, she helped get everything ready this morning and, she even offered to do my make-up – and if that isn’t a sign of pure bravery, I don’t know what is. We were actually at school together and suffered numerous French, English and Science classes together so I hope today has been more magnifique than monstrous. I’ve also got a little gift for you. By the way, just to warn you all, this could be the start of the emotional bit so if I start blubbing, feel free to throw me a tissue. Mum and Dad, what can I say? You seen me grow up, you’ve helped me develop and mature into the person that I am today and I hope you think all your hard work has been worth while. I love you both very much and hope you feel happy today rather than sad, for this is only the start of a new chapter, rather than the end of the book. I’ve got a couple of gifts for you – one will help you celebrate you new found freedom and another will, if you look after it like you looked after me, also grow and thrive.

Sir Francis Bacon :: essays research papers fc

Sir Francis Bacon   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Sir Francis Bacon was born January 22, 1561. He died April 9, 1626. He was an English essayist, lawyer, statesman, and philosopher . He had a major influence on the philosophy of science. When he was 12 years old, he began studies at Trinity College, Cambridge. In 1576 he entered Gray's Inn to pursue a career in law. He was first elected in 1584. Bacon's opposition to royal tax measures would probably have brought an end to his political advancement, but he had the support of the Earl of Essex, whose prosecution for treason he later managed. He was knighted in 1603 after the succession of James I. Bacon and he became solicitor-general in 1609, attorney-general in 1613, lord keeper of the great seal in 1617, and lord chancellor in 1618; he was also created Baron of Verulam I 1618, and Viscount St. Albans in 1621. Bacon retained James's favor by steadfast defense of royal prerogative, but in 1621 he was found guilty of accepting bribes and was removed from his office. Retiring to Gorhambury, he devoted himself to writing and scientific work.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Philosophically, Bacon wrote marks such as the Instauratio Magna (Great Restoration), setting forth his concepts for the restoration of humankind to mastery over nature. It was intended to contain six parts: first a classification of sciences; second a new inductive logic; third a gathering of empirical and experimental facts; fourth examples to show the effectiveness of his new approach; fifth generalization derivable from natural history; and a new philosophy that would be a complete science of nature.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Bacon completed only two parts, however, the Advancement of Learning in 1605, later expanded as De Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum (On the Dignity and Growth of Sciences, 1620); and the Novum Organum (The New Organon, 1620), which was to replace Aristotle's Organon. Sciences were under the general headings of history, poetry, and philosophy. Their culmination was an inductive philosophy of nature, in which proposed to find the natural laws, of bodily action. To this end, he devised so-called tables of induction designed to discover such forms with the goal of mastery over nature.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Although Bacon was not a great scientist, he gave impetus to the development of modern inductive science.

Themes of Lord of the Flies :: essays research papers

The theme of the novel is the collapse of the society. The friendships among the boys are destructive because they do not realize the beast inside of them. They show their ego to each other. The beast is something evil within themselves and it is not a savage animal that is caved ‘Lord of the Flies’. The conch shell symbolizes the law and order among the children who trapped in the deserted tropical island. It is used to call the groups of the boys to assembly in a certain place. Ralph, the chief and the central leadership of the group is responsible to take care the conch. The conch shell represents the authority which the boys must obey. The conch is an instrument like a trumpet blowing to order the boys. Finally, the conch shell is broken down into pieces and the leadership is torn down and abandoned. The atmosphere of the island society collapses into chaos and no longer peace remind. The beast in the story symbolizes the gradation of the morality among the boys. The compete each other becoming in the last survivor and the commander of group. The beast is not a real object which they believe if exists. They don’t realize the internal beast inside of them. Only Simon understands what the real beast is, but is killed when he tries to tell them about that. The beast mind and soul of the boys lead them to the collapse of the society. They begin killing each other and the trustworthy has lost. The parachute man symbolizes the lost of the adult supervisor who has the authority to control over the boys. The moral confrontation has arisen among the boys. The beast inside of them leads them to the anarchy. Also because of the lost of the parachute man, there is no adult who manage them and the situation bring them to the collapse of the society.